تناقضات الوضع السوري

Contradictions of the Syrian Situation
The New Authority in Syria: Between Sectarianism and Economic Collapse… Is It Recreating the Old Regime?

From Joy to Disappointment: The Bitter Transition for Syrians

Nearly five months have passed since the collapse of the Assad clan’s tyrannical regime. During this time, large segments of Syrians have shifted from euphoria and relief at the fall of the dictator Assad and his regime to a state of anxiety and unease, mixed with doubt about the new authority’s ability—or willingness—to improve conditions and build a state that represents the interests of all Syrians and guarantees their freedoms and rights.

The Betrayed Revolution: How Dreams Turned into Nightmares

The means that announced the fall of the previous regime on December 8 of last year, along with the mechanisms and circumstances of its collapse, were unexpected for most observers of the Syrian situation.

The Syrian popular revolution, which began in mid-March 2011 with democratic and social demands that united broad segments of Syrians—non-sectarian and liberationist—was led in its first year and a half by inclusive, democratic coordination committees. However, the brutal violence of the Assad regime and regional interference to support counter-revolutionary forces, especially during the phase of armed resistance, along with the influx of jihadists, Salafi-jihadist groups, and particularly ISIS, crushed the revolutionary movement. Those revolutionary leaders who survived were either imprisoned or forced into exile. Thus, the revolution was defeated in 2013-2014 through bloodshed and destruction, turning millions of Syrians into displaced persons and refugees. Syria became an arena for foreign armies, sectarian militias, and a crumbling regime, locked in a war over influence—a situation we have long described in our literature as a “reactionary setback” and a multi-faceted counter-revolution.

Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham (HTS): Pragmatism in the Service of Domination

Among all the factions fighting over resources and influence, HTS emerged as the strongest, most disciplined, and pragmatic, leveraging everything to expand and entrench its authority. This allowed it to govern Idlib and surrounding areas for years.

While HTS recruits its fighters from displacement camps and foreign militants, its leadership cadres come from the petty and middle bourgeoisie. Its economic and social policies are neoliberal, seeking integration into the global market through organic ties with the Turkish economy.

Regional and international shifts weakened the Assad regime’s allies, leading them to abandon a rotten and collapsing system. Under Turkish sponsorship, the aggression was repelled, and the fallen tyrannical regime collapsed.

Economic Collapse: Extreme Poverty Under a New Authority

The Syrians’ joy in the first month after Assad’s fall has largely faded. The army of the unemployed grew with the dismissal of 400,000 state employees, while prices for basic goods skyrocketed. Although Turkish goods flooded the markets, the majority of Syrians could no longer afford their daily sustenance after the removal of state subsidies.

Sectarianism as a Tool of Governance: A New Version of “Divide and Rule”

The economic collapse was accompanied by a fanatical sectarian frenzy from the new authority’s factions, with slogans like “Those who liberate decide” or “Damascus belongs to the Sunnis until Judgment Day.” Salafist and extremist elements within this authority began interfering in Syrians’ religious and daily lives—preaching festivals in the streets, attacks on mainstream Sunni mosques, gender segregation in transportation and government institutions, and sectarian profiling at checkpoints, among other absurdities.

This was coupled with the humiliation, abuse, and identity-based killings of Alawites in coastal regions, Homs, and Hama, culminating in armed clashes against the new authority’s forces in early March. The authority responded by declaring a general mobilization, leading to one of the worst massacres against Alawite civilians. This bloody sectarian atmosphere deepened the country’s fragmentation.

In an attempt to counter international condemnation of these massacres—rather than stopping them—the new authority hastily signed an agreement with the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) on March 10, even as the blood of civilians had not yet dried and the killings continued.

The Authority’s Contradictions: False Promises vs. Harsh Reality

Worse still, the new authority—whose actions show it prioritizes the demands of major and regional powers over its people’s interests—issued a constitutional declaration on March 13, just three days after the SDF agreement, effectively nullifying it. Thus, within three days, celebrations turned into outrage. Protests that had initially supported the agreement were replaced by demonstrations condemning the constitutional declaration—a tragicomic spectacle.

The authority continued groveling to regional and global powers, making statements flattering Israel by claiming Syria posed no threat to neighboring countries—even as Syrians in the south fell as martyrs resisting Israeli encroachment, with no support from the authority.

On March 29, a transitional government was formed, including ministers from various sects, consolidating all legislative, judicial, and executive powers in the hands of the transitional president under the constitutional declaration.

Sectarian Militias: A Monster Threatening Everyone

The new authority’s pragmatic pursuit of control makes it vulnerable to external pressures and its own military-sectarian base. Foreign and extremist sectarian militias threaten not only the Syrian people but the authority itself, which appears either unwilling or unable to address this looming danger.

Meanwhile, the authority’s economic and social policies fuel widespread discontent. Sectarian divisions may not contain this unrest for long. Political and social forces, despite their current weakness due to shrinking freedoms, are shifting from observers to opponents.

The Syrian Bourgeoisie: From Spectators to Critics

Even the Syrian bourgeoisie—represented by figures like businessman Ayman al-Asfari—has begun openly criticizing the new authority’s policies. The unrestricted opening of markets to Turkish goods and the collapse of purchasing power harm Syrian commercial, industrial, and agricultural elites.

The new authority cannot maintain control indefinitely with empty promises and sectarian incitement under a “divide and rule” strategy.

Final Call: Enough Waiting!

Given the country’s deterioration, Syria’s political and social forces must abandon passivity and waiting. It is time to move to political and social action among Syrians—defending their immediate demands and collective interests against sectarianism and chauvinism, and striving for a free, democratic Syria for all its sons and daughters.

All Power and Wealth to the People
The Revolutionary Left Current in Syria
may 2025