▪️The stances of some liberal sectors of the Syrian oppositions elaborate on their analysis with a conclusion saying that any solution in Syria is no longer in the hands of Syrians at all, but in the hands of states involved on the Syrian ground. Even if this conclusion is partly sound, it does not take into account the internal political and popular factors which go on to work for the right of the Syrian to free self-determination, even if they were slight according to the present, ever-shifting balances of power. It also neglects the fact that even if these states agreed to a solution in-between themselves, which guarantees their interests, they still would need Syrian institutions to legislate this, and from this need sprung many Syrian platforms to the public such as the Moscow platform, the Cairo platform, the SNC, the HNC, the SCC and other projects which have the sole concern of marketing themselves to this or that influential state.
▪️The logic of those, those who hold the sway, that the situation is entirely out of the hands of Syrians, makes them reach another conclusion which is no less bad nor delusionary than the first. That is their call for making Syria under the International Mandate and the 7th Chapter of the UN Charter. Here, those individuals and groups who hold those stances in the miserable liberal opposition reach a bottomless abyss of political degradation. They are, despite their repeated chattering about democracy and opposition, omitting by these stances of theirs all meaning of organized and patient political and popular work regardless of how bad the current conditions are. Therefore, the only actual field of “political action” for them is marketing themselves as Syrian carriers for solutions they think the states interfering in our country may reach, and to be their agents. In this way, the ones holding such stances represent one of the most opportunistic and miserable sections of the “opposition;” their activity revolves around their breathless seeking of a lick of profit from each party, which makes their instantaneous stances towards this or that event worthless and without real credibility.
▪️Saying that Syrians have no say at all in the self-determination of their country is, at best, equal to a resignation from political work in general, or that it is only reduced to promoting themselves to regional and international states. While some of them held fast to that and promoted it, at the same time still continuing to claim democratic opposition activity, this points to the extent of their great opportunism. The situation in refuting the claims of these “liquidators” is what the divided Syria is witnessing of an increase of popular protests especially in the regions of Turkish occupation and the terrorist Al Nusra in the northwest of Syria, as well as in the regions of the Junta Regime also.
▪️The last of which are the continuous demonstrations in As-Suwaida Governorate. These popular, for-demand demonstrations appear until now as protests against the ruling authorities in their areas, and they have not yet acquired the general, national quality. These protests, with their local and for-demand qualities, reflect deeply the overall situation in Syria. On the one hand, the country has been divided into three regions, each with different political authorities, and economic, social, and political policies. Furthermore, their nature of direct demands expresses a weak presence of political, democratic and leftist, forces among the ranks of the popular classes. It likewise expresses, on the other hand, a fresh re-emergence of the popular protest movement if only in its direct demands form.
▪️This new re-emergence has utmost importance, in particular because it comes after a decade of a war that devastated economic and social structures in our country, and on the grounds of a massive humanitarian catastrophe. Therefore, these popular for-demand movements require from us all support and solidarity, and they require that we work in their ranks, improve their organisation and slogans, transmit the experiences within them, and unify them on the national level.
Thus, these are most important propitious signs for a new popular uprising.
▪️Its development and non-diffusion calls for serious work to build a national revolutionary political leadership based on the project of democratic autonomous administration, which has a general democratic and social national programme and a popular ground, and is able to organise and lead the struggle of the Syrian people for peace, independence, liberty, equality, democracy, and social justice.
▪️In this grand conflict, and fateful challenge, we still emphasise that we in the Revolutionary Left Tendency, through our involvement in democratic and social struggles, put forth the task of building the popular workers revolutionary party in Syria as a fundamental block in this long-lasting class struggle, which is not limited to our country and region, but includes the world.
▫️The Central Action Committee of The Revolutionary Left Tendency
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